
By Jen Schumann | Rocky Mountain Voice
Three citizen-led ballot initiatives—focused on youth medical procedures, girls’ sports and child trafficking penalties—are now officially headed to Colorado’s November 2026 ballot, a result supporters say wasn’t supposed to happen.
That final step came this week, when Propositions 109 and 110 were certified, joining Proposition 108 after a campaign that gathered more than 500,000 signatures statewide.
For Erin Lee, executive director of Protect Kids Colorado, the moment lands as something bigger than a successful petition drive—it’s the end of a campaign many didn’t think would get this far.
The campaign they said couldn’t work
Asked about the process, Lee called it “the hardest, most impossible thing” she’s ever taken on.
She said the skepticism came from all directions, not just political opponents but allies and observers who doubted the campaign could succeed without major funding.
“We were told by everyone… you can’t do it.”
Lee had tried once before with a run at it in 2024. But legal challenges cut the window to less than 90 days and they ran out of time.
What grassroots actually looked like
This time around, Lee said they flipped the model, leaning into volunteers instead of paid circulators. What emerged was far more structured than the word “grassroots” might suggest.
The structure was intentional, Lee said—designed to spread ownership across the network rather than centralize it.
“Our motto was always, no one’s in charge. Everyone’s in charge.”
Lee said 3,320 volunteers ultimately took part, backed by nearly 2,000 notaries and a county captain system that stretched into all 64 counties, creating a network that could move petitions through communities at the same time.

Hours before Prop 110 was certified, Lee called the roughly 91 percent validity rate on 108 and 109 “the highest validity rate ever”—something she attributes to volunteers who were personally invested in the outcome.
She said that reflected the difference between paid signature drives and a volunteer network.
“They weren’t out there just getting paid… they gave their time and treasure because these issues matter.”
Organizers also leaned heavily on local institutions to expand their reach, particularly churches, which became some of the most effective gathering points for signatures.
Lee said more than 500 churches across Colorado ultimately opened their doors to the effort, ranging from small congregations to some of the state’s largest ministries.
“Nearly a fourth of our signatures came from the Catholic churches.”
The model turned everyday gathering places into hubs for civic participation, where people who had never engaged in the process before found a way in.
Lee said one of the most unexpected parts of the effort was who stepped forward to help carry it. Some had never been involved in anything political before. Some had never even voted.
“We had petition carriers who had never cast their vote.”
In some cases, she said, young people registered just so they could take part.
“This was the first thing they did as a registered voter.”
Parents, she added, began reaching out to say their children had signed up to vote and immediately joined the effort—something she said she hadn’t anticipated when the campaign began.

Where the work really happened
For volunteers, the work blended into everyday life. Kelly Notarfrancesco said they were gathering signatures “wherever people were”—churches, stores and ballfields.
Her routine became simple and constant. “I collected signatures—at churches, hockey games, the sidelines of kids sports and at grocery stores.”
Some encounters turned hostile. “I was yelled at, called derogatory names and had coffee thrown in my direction.”
She said doubt never really left the process, especially early on, when volunteers weren’t sure if the effort could hold together.
“The biggest challenge faced by the team were the ‘Whatifs.’”
“What if we don’t have enough volunteers? What if the churches don’t engage? What if volunteers get exhausted?”
Even so, she said, the campaign continued to grow as more people stepped in.
“Erin and her volunteers met every moment of doubt and weakness with resolve.”

Doing it without the usual money
Unlike most statewide ballot efforts, which often rely on millions of dollars and professional signature firms, Lee said this campaign operated on a fraction of that cost. “We raised $220,000.”
Small donors won the day, but one family stood out—Lee said they cashed out their retirement to give.
“Our biggest donor was a family who cashed out their retirement.”
The campaign did use a limited number of paid signatures—about 13,000 per measure—but Lee said that made up less than 10 percent of the total. Looking back, she said they likely would have qualified without them.
Dr. Travis Morrell, who Lee credited as a key collaborator, said the campaign’s momentum accelerated late in the process.
“Erin raised over $100,000… in just ten days in December.”
He said that surge helped fuel a final push driven largely by volunteers and online outreach.
“Kelly Notarfrancesco and I helped her run a whirlwind social media campaign.”
Rejected at the Capitol, revived on the ballot
The ballot effort comes after similar proposals were introduced earlier this session at the Capitol—and stopped almost as quickly as they began.
State Rep. Scott Bottoms (Colorado Springs) brought forward three bills tied to the same issues now headed to voters—House Bill 1082 on child trafficking penalties, House Bill 1083 on girls’ sports, and House Bill 1087 dealing with medical procedures involving minors.
All three were introduced in early February. None made it out of committee.
HB26-1082 was set aside in House Judiciary on Feb. 10. HB26-1087 followed in Health and Human Services on Feb. 18. HB26-1083 was postponed in State, Civic, Military and Veterans Affairs on March 9—all three failing to advance.
Lee said those outcomes reinforced what her team had already concluded—that the legislative route was not viable.
“It’s unfortunate we even have to… circumvent the legislature.”
Lee said the decision to go to the ballot came after repeated dead ends at the Capitol.
“It seems that’s our only means for the people’s voice to be heard.”
For Lee, the contrast between the Capitol and the ballot effort is now unmistakable.
After lawmakers rejected the proposals, she said voters stepped in.
“Our representatives are not truly representing the majority of their constituents.”
She said the ballot qualification now sends a signal to those same lawmakers.
“We the people are gonna take matters into our own hands.”
Now comes the harder part
The three measures now heading to voters would reshape Colorado law in distinct ways, addressing criminal penalties for child trafficking, eligibility rules in girls’ sports and restrictions on certain medical procedures for minors.
With all three initiatives now certified, Lee said the campaign is shifting from gathering signatures to persuading voters statewide.
“We gotta switch to phase two now.”
She said turnout—not opposition messaging—may be the biggest challenge ahead.
“Our biggest opposition… is people not turning in their ballots.”
The campaign plans to rely on the same volunteer network that helped qualify the measures to now drive participation across the state.
Dr. Morrell said that grassroots structure remains central moving forward.
“My wife and I carried petitions, like over 3,000 other Coloradans.”
“The success is due to volunteers doing their part.”
He said the next phase will test whether that same network can translate into votes.
“It remains David against Goliath.”
For Lee, the campaign’s impact has already extended beyond ballot qualification. She said the process itself sparked conversations across communities that had not previously engaged with the issue.
Lee says they were “out there having 200,000 conversations in every community.”
Looking ahead to November, she framed the stakes in simple terms.
“These are not right versus left issues. These are right versus wrong.”
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