Inside the 2025 Colorado elections: What voters rewarded, rejected—and why it matters

By Rocky Mountain Voice Editorial Board

An analysis of what Colorado’s 2025 elections reveal about power, performance—and the path forward

Colorado voters made their message plain this year, though not all spoke with one voice. In city halls and school races they favored those who stayed engaged, turned away those who coasted and reminded every leader that trust has an expiration date.

Aurora: Jurinsky’s crime fight meets a political storm

Aurora voters ended two decades of center-right control, electing progressives to every open seat and turning a 7–3 conservative majority into a 6–4 Democratic edge. In the at-large race, Rob Andrews and Alli Jackson won with 29,659 and 29,177 votes, while Danielle Jurinsky—a high-profile incumbent—finished third with 25,246.

As chair of the Public Safety, Courts & Civil Service Committee, Jurinsky advanced tougher penalties for repeat offenders and helped pass Aurora’s crackdowns on retail theft (lowering the threshold to $100 with mandatory jail and escalating terms) and auto theft.

She also pushed early on the Tren de Aragua threat. While Rep. Jason Crow and Gov. Jared Polis publicly downplayed “takeover” claims, subsequent Aurora Police, ICE and DOJ actions documented TdA suspects and affiliates in the metro area—confirming presence even as officials disputed scope. Her warnings drew national attention, including from Donald Trump, who cited Aurora in pressing for tougher immigration enforcement.

Democratic networks led by Rep. Jason Crow and national advocacy groups mobilized against her—showing that when a local councilwoman invoking the Tren de Aragua crisis meets a progressive turnout machine, Colorado’s left would rather fight the messenger than face the consequences of open-border policy.

Centennial: A unified slate meets a partisan wave

In Arapahoe County—once a true swing area and now solidly blue—Centennial mirrors the broader suburban realignment taking shape across Colorado. Nearly half the city’s voters are unaffiliated, about a third register as Democrats—and roughly one in five as Republicans. Though still civically engaged and business-friendly, Centennial now leans center-left—especially on education and local control—setting a steep climb for the conservative “C5” slate.

The slate—Don Sheehan (mayor), Robyn Carnes, Carrie Penaloza, Patty McKernan and Jeffrey Gilliam—ran on unity, safety and service. Under the banner “Walking Together for Centennial’s Future,” the slate logged more than 500 miles on foot, meeting residents across the city and keeping a tone of civility at public events. Carnes, the group’s only incumbent, called their effort “neighbors working for neighbors,” a message built on teamwork and community service over party labels. 

Every candidate in the slate came up short—Carnes 3,801, to 4,468, Penaloza 4,006 to 4,172, McKernan 3,250 to 4,910, Gilliam 3,191 to 3,474 and Sheehan 13,165 to 17,916. The winners—Christine Sweetland, Cindy Sandhu, Ashish Vaidya, Ryan Dwiggins and Durrell Middleton—had the edge of an organized push from Rep. Jason Crow and progressive allies focused on housing, affordability and inclusion.

Delta County: Steady hands win steady races

Delta’s 45.37 percent voter turnout reflected a community willing to try new tactics—and work harder together than ever before. Conservative candidates Sheldon Kier and Adena Kreutz triumphed with clear margins—each winning by roughly ten percentage points.

Volunteers bought the voter list, broke it down by precinct and ran a targeted phone bank to registered Republicans. Kier and Kreutz aired radio ads three times a day for two weeks, showed up for multiple public forums including one hosted by the Delta County Independent— and worked a steady circuit of meet-and-greets. Their message was just as disciplined as their ground game—clearly defining how they would respond to state overreach and protect local control of schools. And they ran clean campaigns, never going on the attack. Local leaders amplified on Facebook, churches opened doors for voter outreach and supporters drove a moving billboard display and planted signs countywide. Rep. Matt Soper also boosted the slate on radio and social media.

Douglas County: When message polish outpaced turnout

Douglas County posted a 44.88 percent turnout replacing four of seven board members. Kelly Denzler, Clark Callahan, Tony Ryan and Kyrzia Parker each won, while incumbents and conservative-backed challengers fell short.

Once a conservative stronghold, Douglas County is evolving fast. New residents—many young, educated and suburban—are changing its political rhythm. The result: school board races that used to be predictable now hang on a few hundred votes.

Teachers’ unions and education advocacy groups backed the Community’s Choice slate, investing early in digital outreach, ballot chasing and a message centered on “collaboration” and “students first.” 

Candidates on the Common Sense DCSD slate focused on parental rights, academic strength and local oversight. Both camps said they reflected community values. Both said the other brought politics into schools.

Volunteers for Common Sense covered 50,000 doors and thousands of calls, a huge lift by any measure. Still, turnout slipped, most noticeably among younger families. Community’s Choice, with national union help and progressive funding, filled that space and turned ground effort into results.

Even with those connections, their campaign looked and felt moderate: a polished brand that promised unity, calm leadership—and less public conflict which proved advantageous given GOP turmoil. One example: the recent special election on Home Rule.

In the end, Douglas County’s race was an ideological battle influenced by a convincing performance and turnout. The Common Sense slate worked tirelessly, but fewer conservative voters showed up—and perception proved powerful. The results reflected both the county’s evolving electorate and the growing influence of professionalized campaigns that sound moderate—regardless of what’s behind the curtain.

Durango: A district divided by ideology and documentation

La Plata County posted 47.43 percent turnout, and inside Durango the vote revealed a settled ideological divide. Parents seeking reform spent the year tracing how district priorities tilted toward politics instead of sound management.

Families filed formal complaints with the U.S. Office for Civil Rights, pulled internal emails through CORA requests, and exposed consultant invoices showing more than $200,000 paid to DEI contractors—$69,000 of it for a single day of training.

RMV’s investigations also documented CASB-linked policies that allowed gender and name changes without parental notification, a pattern of media bias dismissing parental concerns—and a 48-count federal indictment against a former teacher on child-exploitation charges. 

Despite that evidence, reform candidates fell by wide margins—Tamra Fenberg with 4,161 votes to Andrea Parmenter’s 10,140, Pearl Stegner with 4,117 to Rick Petersen’s 10,197, and Jody Trampp with 3,733 to Erika Brown’s 10,559.

These results underscored how city-based voting blocs now dominate school board outcomes. The takeaway isn’t about awareness—the facts are already public. The challenge ahead is political—how to turn documentation into persuasion in a community where ideology continues to outweigh oversight.

El Paso County: Common sense over ideology in D38

Turnout in El Paso County was modest at 30.9 percent, yet in Monument’s District 38, Ginger Schaaf’s campaign broke through—earning 7,652 votes to Jackie Burhans’ 5,052 and securing a commanding twenty-point margin. 

Her success stemmed from clarity and credibility: Schaaf drew a sharp but respectful contrast on parental rights, transparency and academic focus, while Burhans’ campaign leaned on the same activist networks that had polarized prior school debates. Endorsed by leaders like Kristi Burton Brown and Paul Lundeen, Schaaf kept her message local—protecting parental partnership, prioritizing academics and defending community standards over state-driven ideology. Voters responded not to outrage but to steadiness, choosing the candidate who reflected the values of a town that still believes schools should serve families first.

Mesa County: A testament to effort in an uneven contest

Mesa County logged 44.11 percent turnout. Local volunteers poured in the effort—more than 70 thousand phone calls and about 17 thousand door knocks—a level of civic grind that’s hard to miss. Conservatives hung onto just one of three seats. Haitz kept hers, finishing 24,491 to 22,528 over Rathbone.

Jones managed 21,598 against Cole’s 25,442, and Lema came up short—20,379 to 26,872—against Woods.

Union-backed candidates drew about $70,000 in combined contributions and advertising, supported by a wide network of progressive groups that saw the D51 race as critical. Eighteen organizations, from local chapters to national nonprofits—coordinated money, messaging and ground work to secure the outcome.

Montrose County: Reform with reflection

Montrose County recorded 51.9 percent turnout—the highest of the regions RMV followed. Conservative candidates Neisha Balleck, Tiffany Vincent, Scott Scarborough and Shane Daly won decisive victories. 

Commissioner Scott Mijares was recalled 8,439 to 7,773, a slim 666-vote difference that showed how divided residents remain. Montrose voters upheld their support for open, disciplined government while calling for calmer, more collaborative leadership ahead.

Pueblo: Ballot reform fails as conservatives hold ground

Turnout reached 37.3 percent as Pueblo residents decisively voted down Ballot 2C, the proposal to replace the strong-mayor framework with a council–manager government. It failed 17,707 to 8,273, a 68–32 result.

Many residents viewed the idea as premature. Those dissatisfied with the current mayor said the answer was an election, not eliminating the office. The outcome reflected frustration over a divided city council and a wish to keep leadership directly accountable to voters.

Republican turnout rose roughly 6.7 percent from 2023, helping conservatives keep control of District 70 schools, city council and the Civil Service Commission, even as a conservative-leaning unaffiliated lost a District 60 board seat. The outcome highlighted Pueblo’s independent streak—skeptical of concentrated power but drawn to candidates promising steadiness and accountability over sweeping change.

The “Vibrant Denver” mirage

Denver voters approved the $935 million “Vibrant Denver” bond package, expanding city debt and Mayor Mike Johnston’s agenda. Sold as “investment without new taxes,” the plan will ultimately cost taxpayers nearly $2 billion with interest, extending property taxes for decades.

Behind the glossy messaging was a powerful coalition of developers, nonprofits, and taxpayer-funded cultural groups that funneled over $1 million into the campaign—compared to just $3,000 from the opposition. Several of those donors, including Denver’s major museums and arts institutions, already receive public money through the Scientific and Cultural Facilities District, raising ethics questions about using taxpayer funds to lobby taxpayers.

Even more revealing, city leaders redirected $18 million from affordable housing toward cultural programs and street beautification. Voters signed off on a plan wrapped in civic pride—more borrowing, less oversight, and yet another hint that Denver’s taste for fiscal restraint is fading.

Propositions LL and MM: The generosity paradox

Just over a third of voters turned out statewide—35.62 percent—and both tax measures passed easily. LL drew 64.72 percent, while MM followed with 58.18 percent.

Despite fiscal warnings from economists, voters favored the appeals framed around “helping” and “keeping change.” 

The outcome suggests Coloradans largely set aside concerns about inflation and cost of living to endorse measures that raise taxes. Many likely saw it as a way to “tax the rich”—a sentiment that overshadowed the reality that these measures chip away at TABOR refunds and raise costs for everyone.

Some analysts point to uncertainty around SNAP benefits and food assistance as another motivator—voters anxious about government safety nets were easily swayed by promises of stability. But the larger pattern is clear: emotional economics now drives Colorado’s electorate.

What 2025 taught us

Organization mattered. Authenticity mattered. So did fatigue. This year’s races laid bare a structural gap—unions and allied PACs outspent local volunteers ten to one—but they also showed remarkable persistence from citizens still making calls, knocking doors and standing firm in what they believe.

If 2025 was a warning shot, 2026 will be the fight for Colorado’s future. Conservatives are further behind than many realized—not just in messaging, but in infrastructure. Losing traditional strongholds like Douglas and Mesa counties to union-backed campaigns shows how deeply organized and well-funded the left has become. What played out in school boards and local ballot fights this year offers a glimpse of the strategy Democrats will take statewide in next year’s congressional and governor’s races. 

The point isn’t fear—it’s readiness. The left has mastered alignment: message, money and mobilization. To stay competitive, the right must match that playbook—build unity quickly, raise funds early and work together at the local level. If conservatives want to advance—or simply hold their ground—2026 has to be the year we quit rowing alone and start moving in sync. The left already is.

Why it matters: State mandates are crowding out parental voice

Colorado’s classroom climate isn’t happening in a vacuum. In recent years lawmakers advanced policies that move decision-making away from families and into institutions. The laws summarized in our prior reporting show how this plays out on the ground: minors accessing sensitive services without parents looped in, compelled name and pronoun use, expansive sex-education standards, and statewide mandates that prize activism over academics. 

Colorado’s school districts already face shrinking enrollment, campus closures and board races consumed by cultural fights. If leaders keep putting ideology ahead of instruction, more families will walk away—and fewer students will meet even the basics in reading and math.

The Mamdani effect and Colorado’s ideological crossroads

Zohran Mamdani’s landslide victory revealed more than a local story. It exposed a national pattern—the left’s growing ability to fuse identity politics, digital mobilization and socialist-leaning narratives into a movement that outpaces traditional party machinery. Mamdani, a self-described democratic socialist, captured nearly 84 percent of Gen Z women, powered by appeals to rent control, “economic justice” and systemic reform.

That same formula is spreading through Colorado’s urban corridor. Denver, Boulder, Aurora and Arapahoe County now mirror the cultural DNA of Mamdani’s New York base—young, single, college-educated voters, especially women, drawn to moral activism and emotional appeals wrapped in progressive branding. It marks a generational and psychological realignment, not just a partisan one.

Colorado’s leftward shift reaches beyond gender. The state ranks first in educational attainment, with more than 40 percent of adults holding a bachelor’s degree or higher. Education used to align with more moderate politics but now points solidly left. Highly educated men and women increasingly side with the left, especially in metropolitan areas.

National surveys from the Cato Institute and the Victims of Communism Foundation show 62 percent of Americans aged 18–29 view socialism favorably and 34 percent hold positive views of communism. The same “compassionate socialism” driving Mamdani’s rise is quietly shaping how Colorado’s educated class engages civic life.

That ideological current is no longer confined to policy—it’s changing temperament. Virginia’s Jay Jones scandal, exposing texts about harming political opponents, showed how easily anger has replaced debate. The assassination of Charlie Kirk by a left-wing radical was the grim proof of where that path leads.

For conservatives, the warning is clear. Facts alone don’t move hearts but fury can destroy them. Mamdani’s ascent and the progressive wave stretching from New York to Colorado represent a new Democratic model built on narrative, belonging and moral conviction.

If Colorado’s right wants to regain cultural ground, it must learn to compete on meaning and courage, not just policy. The challenge is doing it without mirroring the same rage. Otherwise, the next generation—young, credentialed and ideologically conditioned—will not only reshape Colorado’s politics but redefine its moral compass.

Editor’s note: Vote totals reflect counts posted on county election sites as of 4 p.m. MT, November 5.